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The Moral
Fool 道德愚人
Hans-Georg
Moeller（
University College, Cork, Ireland）
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The
Zhuangzi’s Ethics: As Easy as Hard and White
《莊子》的倫理
Paul
D’Ambrosio（
Beijing Agriculture and Science University）
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Medieval
Daoism and Medicine
中古道教與醫學
Michael
Stanley-Baker 徐源
(Ph.D student, University College London, England)
Abstract:
The focus on Daoism as a body-centred religious practice has led to
conflicting depictions of something called “Daoist medicine” or
Daojiao yixue
道教醫學.
Some scholars maintain that Daoist medicine is an overarching umbrella,
a cornucopia of theories and techniques that have been developed in
different periods, undergoing fluctuations in popularity under different
historical conditions. Others maintain that there is no such thing as
Daoist medicine, that this is a concept retrospectively developed in the
20th century. Monasteries in China currently promulgate Daoist medicine
as a distinct brand of healing practice, on two bases: by identifying
the Huangdi neijing and succeeding texts as forms of Huanglao
黃老
Daoism. What conclusions can historians make of such differing claims?
This paper
briefly sketches out the context of the 6 Dynasties medical market
within which certain Daoist healing practices took shape. It
identifies, and criticizes, four different categories of healing
practice – wu
巫,
fangshi 方士,
yi 醫
and daoshi
道士
through looking at the different healing practices employed by members
of each category, and their geographical distribution. Having laid the
ground within which Daoists were promulgating healing practices, the
paper goes on to demonstrate the distinctions in healing practice found
in Celestial Master and Shangqing texts. With a focus on demonological
tropes of illness, healing through confession, prayer and petitions,
Celestial Master Daoism adopted a fundamentally body-external, but
morally internal attitude towards illness and healing. This ethical
model of illness was derived from displaced Han models of moral
responsibility and recompense, serving as much social function as
physiological, by re-establishing ethical structures in a viable
universal model. It also enabled or encouraged Celestial Masters to
exclude yi
醫
methods of healing, such as acupuncture, herbs and moxibustion. On the
other hand, Shangqing models of interior visualization of body-gods,
absorption of astral effluvia and adoption of yangsheng practices
encouraged a more physiological model of illness, and allowed for
acupuncture, herbs, moxibustion and massage, reflecting a very different
attitude towards embodiment. Nonetheless, illness was still perceived as
an ethical challenge – a test of the adept’s resolve.
These two
cases demonstrate that distinct pictures of illness, healing,
interiority, and embodiment of ethical mores can be found in
contemporaneous Daoist movements, and encourages historians of Daoism to
attend to the differences between Daoisms and their medicines.
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Animal
Rebirth in Lingbao Texts
靈寶經文中的動物重生
Paul Amato,
（Ph.D
student, Arizona State University）
Abstract:
The Lingbao scriptures have long held the interest of scholars as a
consequence of their highly syncretic or, in the words of Erik Zürcher,
“Buddho-Taoist” nature. And yet, with the notable recent exception of
Stephen R. Bokenkamp’s Ancestors and Anxiety: Daoism and the Birth of
Rebirth in China, the incorporation of the quintessentially
Buddhist concept of rebirth into Daoism, and the Lingbao corpus of
scriptures in particular, has received relatively little attention in
Western scholarship. In my proposed paper I explore one particular
aspect of karma and rebirth as represented in Daoism; namely, I will
survey statements on the causes, conditions, and varieties of rebirth as
an animal, one of the three negative paths of rebirth (santu
三途)
in Buddhism, as depicted in the Lingbao scriptures. This will be
accomplished through a review of comments on and formulations for animal
rebirth in the original Lingbao corpus as established by Lu Xiujing陸修靜in
the year 437 C.E. and in later additions to the scriptural canon of that
tradition composed under the Sui and Tang Dynasties.
A few simple
questions will be asked of each individual text under consideration in
order to facilitate a comparative analysis of the original corpus and
the later scriptures: what are the narrative circumstances in which the
discussion of rebirth as an animal occurs? Is it couched in an avadāna
styled parable, presented as one of the lowlights of a deity’s tour of
various earth-prisons (diyu
地獄),
or posited as one among a litany of punishments within a text of
proscriptions and confessions? What are the cosmological assumptions
at play? Are humans reborn directly as animals or are they required to
ameliorate a certain degree of negative karma in the earth prisons prior
to animal rebirth? In either case, is there an irrefutable link between
deed and rebirth as, for instance, is clearly the case when a hunter is
reborn as a deer?
Conclusions
will be drawn according to two lines of inquiry. First, differences and
similarities between depictions of animal rebirth in the original
Lingbao corpus and in later additions to the textual tradition will be
read with an eye towards the possible significance of changes in
conceptions of cosmology, karmic retribution, and paths of rebirth
observable over time. Secondly, The Daoist adoption and adaptation of
the Buddhist concept of rebirth as an animal will be treated as
illustrative of the fact that Daoism is most profitably approached as
a religion of bricolage, one that continually reshapes itself
through the integration of repurposed pre-existing elements.
My
presentation will be supplemented by handouts inclusive of excerpts of
the scriptures under discussion accompanied by English language
translations. The paper is appropriate for inclusion in panels on
Daoist ethics, Daoist sects, Daoist Cosmology, and interactions between
Daoism and Buddhism.
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ainmaking
Ritual in Medieval Daoism中古道教的禱雨儀式
Joshua
Capitanio, (Assistant Professor, University of the West)
Abstract:
This paper will trace the history of rainmaking ritual in medieval
Chinese Daoism. Rainmaking ritual was an important aspect of religious
activity in China, and its practice is attested in sources as early as
Shang dynasty oracle bone inscriptions. In this paper, I will focus on
the development of rainmaking ritual among Daoist communities during
roughly the first millennium CE. I will begin by briefly describing the
various types of rainmaking techniques found in China by the latter
portion of the Han dynasty, particularly those ritual activities
associated with the fangshi
方士,
the transcendent xian 仙, and the
Taiping jing 太平經. Following this, I will
examine the practice of rainmaking as performed within the early
communities of the Celestial Masters 天師道
movement, with emphasis on the continuity of these Daoist ritual methods
with earlier traditions. In the next portion of the paper, I will
describe the development and diversification of Daoist rainmaking
techniques from approximately the fourth to ninth centuries CE. During
this period, I will show that Daoist ritualists began increasingly
incorporating formal elements from Buddhist rainmaking rituals,
particularly in those ritual traditions associated with the Lingbao
靈寶 scriptures and the Shenzhou jing
神咒經. In the final portion of the paper, I
will examine both Du Guangting’s 杜光庭
(850-933) synthesis of Lingbao methods in the late Tang, and the
proliferation of rainmaking practices among those various ritual
movements, flourishing in the Song dynasty, which scholars loosely group
together under the rubric of “Thunder Rites” (leifa 雷法),
particularly within the Celestial Heart 天心正法
and Divine Empyrean 神霄 scriptural traditions.
In addition to analyses of scriptures and ritual manuals, attention will
also be paid throughout to the importance of rainmaking accounts in
Daoist hagiography. Ultimately, I will endeavor to show that, while
textual accounts of Daoist ritual methods exhibit considerable amounts
of conceptual and formal borrowing from Buddhist sources, ultimately the
paradigms of ritual efficacy displayed within these sources are
continuous with those found in the earliest Daoist ritual practices as
well as pre-Buddhist forms of rainmaking as practiced in ancient China.
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“道法”的形成與派生－以童初正法與天蓬大法為中心－
The
Formation and Evolution of the ‘Methods of the Way’: the Cases of
Tongchu Orthodox Method and Tianpeng Supreme Method.
Sakai
Norifumi 酒井規史,
（Waseda University 早稻田大學）
摘要：《道法會元》收錄《上清童初五元素府玉冊正法》(卷171∼178)和《上清天蓬伏魔大法》(卷156∼168)。現在的這兩個“道法”的經典雖然通過後代人的修改，但它們被認為是保存著南宋時期的面貌。
《上清童初五元素府玉冊正法》的來源是北宋時期道士楊希真感悟的“童初大法”。南宋時期的著名道士金允中涉及了《上清童初五元素府玉冊正法》的編纂。金允中編纂經典的時候，對當時存在的“道法”留下了評語。他特別批評了一個“道法”，就是董大仙創立的“天篷法”。現在的《上清天篷伏魔大法》是繼承“天篷法”的經典。
這兩個“道法”的經典都記載了有關天蓬元帥的道術，道術的內容也有相同之處。但兩者的總體構想不是同一的。《上清童初五元素府玉冊正法》所記載的童初正法信奉包括天蓬元帥的北極四聖和張天師，有關天蓬元帥的道術是童初正法的一部分。相反，天篷大法是以有關天蓬元帥的道術為中心而組成，特別關注驅邪的儀式。
此次報告把金允中的評語作為線索對照兩個“道法”的經典，研究現在經典的編纂過程和兩個“道法”的形成過程。通過這個研究，我們可以瞭解南宋時期道法派生之過程的一個方面。
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走香團活動與上海浦東地區的道教宮觀
Long Feijun
龍飛俊,
（researcher, Shanghai Social Sciences Academy）
摘要：《當代上海都市道教信仰表現之一：道觀、走香團、信徒》一文，通過對上海市浦東新區的道觀及活動於其中的走香團的大量田野調查，旨在研究當代上海都市中道教信仰的表現之一種：即以走香團的形式組織起來的當代道教信徒的信仰活動和表現。具體而言，包括1.作為當前道觀信眾形式之一種的走香團的特點、形成原因、活動情況及香頭個人的charisma在當前民間宗教中的號召和影響力。2.部分作為民間宗教的走香團活動與體制宗教即道教宮觀的各種互動與依存關係，包括信仰方面的聯繫、經濟方面的聯繫、宗教歸屬感、以及上海城市變遷帶來的信仰變化等方面。（本文所稱的“走香團”，概況而言，就是指由一位元香頭組織和領導的、一種定期或不定期的游走于各個道觀或寺廟、以燒香敬神為主要宗教目的的、信徒自發組成的民間組織。）
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Daoist
Healing in Social and Moral Perspective
TJ Hinrichs,
（Cornell
University）
Abstract:
It has been argued, particularly with regard to Lu Shizhong’s (fl.
1107-1158 路時中)
writings on laozhai (癆瘵), that Daoist
healing shifted between the medieval and Song periods from a more moral
view, seeing illness as retribution extending to family members, to a
more rational modality, removing expiation from the healing process.
Earlier literature had emphasized that infestatious disorders (zhu
疰) were the result of sepulchral plaints
brought against the afflicted person in question, or perhaps their
ancestor. Infestation passed from the dead to the living, “culminating
in the destruction of the family line” (miemen 滅門).
Daoist priests (daoshi) would oversee the confession of the sick,
as well as counter-suits against the otherworldly plaintiff. By the
Song, Daoism operated well outside the contexts of Daoist communities
and parishes, and Daoist ritual masters (fashi 法師)
like Lu Shizhong performed exorcisms directly on infesting demons
without investigating otherworldly grievances. So, rather than treating
infestation as the result, perhaps, of legitimate grievance, Lu Shizhong
was simply treating the infesting demons as objects to be eradicated.
To the
extent that there was a transition, however, it might not have been so
clear-cut. This paper will examine moral and inter-relational
dimensions in narratives of illness and Daoist healing as portrayed in
Song jottings literature (biji), including stories about Lu
Shizhong himself. First, what are the social and moral dimensions of
the pathologies in question? In some cases, the focus of a story may be
on the health of a sick individual, but in others broader social
relations, of the family and community, extending to both human and
spirit realms, are also at stake. In other words, where does the
narrative locate the sources and effects of pathology in social and
moral terms? Are demons directing their attacks randomly, or at morally
culpable individuals and groups? Second, how does the Daoist healer
situate himself in relation to the parties involved in his role as
healer? In some cases, Daoist healers take the role of teacher,
instructing the patient in Daoist disciplines of self-healing. To what
extent and in what ways is atonement or moral rectification involved?
In some cases, the patient may become a passive bystander in the
narrative, the drama being played out between trouble-making spirits and
the Daoist in his role as exorcist or negotiator. Here, moral guilt
often seems irrelevant. In other cases, the Daoist healer may engage
broader networks of family and community in a ritual healing process.
To what extent is communal responsibility also implied? This paper will
explore the often socially and morally complex processes by which both
the disruptions of illness and Daoist healing were imagined as
operating.
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The Daoist
Thunder Rites in Jinpingme《金瓶梅》與道教雷法
Richard Wang
王崗,
（University of Florida, Gainesville）
Abstract:
This paper examines elements of Daoist ritual in Jinpingmei (Plum
in the Golden Vase). I first trace some Daoist ritual description in
the novel to the Daoist Thunder Rites such as the Five Thunder Rites of
the Heavenly Heart, the recitations of the Thunder scripture, and the
prayer for Thunder gods’ blessings. By analyzing these Thunder Rites in
their historical, liturgical and literary contexts, I argue that the
Thunder Rite order of Daoism, with its therapeutic principles, has left
its imprint on the description of religious life in Jinpingmei,
which provides us with a mimetic presentation of religious needs of Ming
people. In addition, the author of the novel depicts the Daoist rites
in a rhetorical way. By using Daoist materials, the author shows us how
Ximen Qing fails to achieve his goal of blessings or healing due to his
evil deeds. The author, I believe, might have wanted his contemporary
reader to discern the proper purpose of the Thunder rites and their
improper application to Ximen’s family. Such recognition brings a sense
of irony to the reader’s mind. Given this use of irony, I conclude that
we shall look beyond the face value of the Daoist practice in the
novel. By recognizing its deeper narrative function, perhaps we can
decipher some enigmas about the literary representation of Daoist ritual
and, furthermore, gain some understanding of the real daily religious
concerns and the soteriological solution afforded in the novel.
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Fox Spirits
and Daoism in Qing Vernacular Literature
清代市井文學中的狐狸精與道教
Kang Xiaofei
康笑菲,
（Carnegie Mellon University）
Abstract:
The intricate relationship between fox spirits and Daoism is a prominent
theme in Ming-Qing vernacular literature, but it has not been
sufficiently studied in Rania Huntington’s work on foxes in Chinese
classical tales or in my own book on the fox cult in popular religious
practices. This paper seeks to fill this gap by focusing on several
Qing vernacular fictional works in which foxes appear in a variety of
roles in relation to Daoism, as demons who fought hard battles with
Daoist exorcists, as practitioners of sexual and inner alchemy, or as
assistants to Daoist gods to initiate scholars and commoners into
alchemical practices. While classical tales, or biji and
zhiguai, on foxes draw mainly on the fox cult practices in northern
China, vernacular fictional works from the Qing publication centers in
Jiangnan and Sichuan create a different line of Chinese fox lore. Their
elaborate themes and story lines draw heavily on not only written
literature from Han, Tang, Ming and Qing times, but also on popular
perceptions of spirits, Daoist priests and Daoist gods in local cultures
and folk performances. Foxes in these stories became indispensible
tools for literati writers to perpetuate their individual agendas,
either for Confucian moral didacticism, Daoist alchemical cultivation,
or simply the market consumption of sex, romance, and thrilling battles
between gods and demons.
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The Duke of
Zhou as a Taoist anti-hero: Divination, exorcism and comedy in some
versions of the Zhougong versus Taohuanü story.
道教的反面英雄﹕周公與桃花女故事中的預蔔、驅邪和喜劇
Vincent
Durand-Dastes,（
INALCO, Paris）
Abstract:
Since the Ming Dynasty, Zhougong and Taohuanü have become widely
recognized as attendants of Zhenwu in many of the god’s temple
throughout China. Yet those figures are the products of a mainly oral
tradition, who surfaced only occasionally under written versions, mainly
as a Yuan Zaju, an 18th century novel, and more
recently as “precious scrolls” (baojuan).
My paper
will focus on the figure of Zhougong as depicted in the 18th
century novel, and shows how the character blends several layers of
meaning. At the beginning of the story, it is based on the revered
figure of the Duke of Zhou, inheriting in the process the tradition
which saw the Confucian sage as a tutelary spirit of divination: he is
thus depicted as a virtuous high official deciding to quit a corrupt
dynasty to act as an urban soothsayer. However, when challenged by his
female opponent Taohuanü, Zhougong revives his karmic connection with
Zhenwu to act as a potent exorcist warrior. Peculiarly interesting is
the way the novel stages the confrontation between two martial star
spirits, Heisha fighting on Zhougong’s side, and Hongsha on Taohuanü’s.
This
confrontation leads to the final section of the story, which stages a
yin-yang confrontation through a wedding ceremony depicted as
a mortal fight. The paper will show how the story, through its treatment
of Zhougong’s figure, first subvert the gender and cosmic order, before,
in a rather carnavalesque way typical of the tongsu xiaoshuo
rhetoric, conciliating orthodoxy and dissent under the patronage of
Zhenwu.
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The Daoist
State in Qing China
清代中國的道教國家系統
Vincent
Goossaert 高萬桑,
（CNRS-EPHE, FRANCE）
Abstract:
Until the turn of the twentieth century, the vast realm of Daoists
clerics, associations, and temples embedded in local society were under
the symbolic, and in certain cases effective management of an
empire-wide Daoist bureaucratic system. The paper will present how this
Daoist bureaucracy worked, by taxing people, administering justice, and
maintaining a corps of elite Daoists in charge of this bureaucracy. This
system was rather loose, and did not cover all parts of China, but it
nonetheless worked like a state, in parallel to and uneasy cooperation
with the imperial bureaucracy.
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A Study of
Dongyue miao in Hangzhou
Fang Ling方玲,
（CNRS-EPHE, FRANCE）
摘要：杭州老東嶽廟始建於南宋初渡
( 1127-1130), 香火旺盛, 直至上個世紀四十年代末,
是江、浙一帶民眾信仰的一個中心 ,
秋香期間的香客可達數十萬。這個廟在被拆毀、消失了整整四十年之後, 於上個世紀末得以重建
; 廟裏的功德法事由雇用的幾個老道士承擔 ;
東嶽大帝的香火重得興盛。當今的香會與歷史上眾多的老香會是否有關聯 ? 其組織運作,
與道士、廟宇關係如何 ? 本文就這些正在調查研究的問題做一報告。
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Seonism[Poongryu] in Korean Traditional Garden
SIM Woo-kyung
沈愚京/Park
Ju-Sung,
（Korea
University
高麗大學）
Abstract:
Sinsunsasang was deeply influenced to the Korean traditional
garden cultures. Among them, Gwanghwallu pavilion is the most distinct
and famous garden which was constructed in Josun Dynasty as a villa for
an official. There are various evidences of the longing for immortality
such as among islets in the pond and many poems, depicting the world of
immortality and paintings on the buildings. We can find a clear
imaginary environment in the garden which has been disappeared recently
by monotheism of Western Judeo-Christian.
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Materializing Salvation: Innovations in the Daoist Ritual of the Yellow
Register Retreat in Eleventh-Century China物化拯世:十一世紀中國黃籙齋儀中的創新
Mihwa Choi
(Professor, University of North Carolina, Pembroke)北卡大學
Abstract:
Key to
the
Ritual of the Yellow Register Retreat
prescribed
in the Wushang huanglu dazhai licheng yi
is its message that progress toward salvation is realized concurrently
with the ritual performance.
The
constructing of the altar as that which materializes the imaginary of
the World-beyond is an innovation of the ritual. By theatricizing the
use of talisman, the ritual offeres a visual message underscoring the
immediacy of ritual efficacy. At the same time the ritual prioritizes
the meditational visualization of the Ritual Master as the very ground
of the salvational events. By visualizing the imaginary while assigning
the contemplation of the ultimate mystery to the Ritual Master alone,
the ritual was a big step towards a priest-centered radical ritualism.
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蔣予蒲的呂祖扶乩信仰與全真教——以《道門功課》為中心
Mori Yuria
森由利亞,
（Waseda University 早稻田大學）
摘要：《道門功課》這本書由蔣予蒲的《道藏輯要》所收錄，其中提到了全真道士日常誦經儀範。其實，本書具有的特徵明確地表示它是在蔣予蒲的呂祖乩壇成立的一本乩書。《道門功課》，和《三壇圓滿天仙大戒略說》一樣，以蔣予蒲為中心的呂祖信徒們根據他們對全真教懷的知識和印象提出的一種“全真功課”。但是，《道門功課》是在當時的社會裏最具體地描寫出來的全真儀式之一。覺源壇的呂祖信徒們，雖然身處全真教的傳承系統之外，但用在他們的想像力，給當時已經相當模糊的全真教的傳承以更為清楚、值得信賴的“真實性”。
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Daoist
Ritual Words of a Confucian Teacher: Preliminary Remarks on the Origins
and Characteristics of the Ritual Canon Fayan huizuan
儒師言道﹕劉沅的【法言會纂】之源流及特徵初考
Volker Olles
(Seminar for Sinology, Humboldt-University, Berlin), GERMANY
Abstract:
Fayan
huizuan
法言會纂
(Collected Words of Ritual Methods) is the title of a nineteenth century
Daoist ritual canon. Its fifty chapters contain instructions, chanting
texts, and liturgical documents for “classified rituals” (keyi
科儀), covering the full range of religious
services offered to the society of late imperial China. Special emphasis
is put on rites for ancestors and desolate souls as well as on the
curing of diseases and the prolonging of life.
It appears
that the collection was originally in circulation among Daoist priests.
However, the chief editor of the received version of Fayan huizuan
was Liu Yuan 劉沅
(1768-1856), a Confucian scholar from Sichuan 四川
Province, whose teachings were known under the name of Liumen 劉門
(Liu School) and comprised the traditions of Confucianism, Daoism, and
Buddhism.
The Fayan
huizuan canon very likely originated from the local ritual tradition
of Quanzhen 全真
(Complete Perfection) Daoism. In the Qing dynasty (1644-1911), a
comprehensive collection of ritual texts, titled Guangcheng yizhi
廣成儀制 (Ritual Systematization of Master
Guangcheng), was compiled by the Quanzhen Daoist Chen Zhongyuan
陳仲遠, a native of Sichuan. Liu Yuan and the other
compilers of Fayan huizuan surely drew heavily upon the work of
Chen Zhongyuan, although it is not clear which of the two compilations
first appeared in printing.
In this
paper, several characteristic features of the Fayan huizuan canon
will be highlighted in order to show how a Daoist ritual tradition was
established under the auspices of the Confucian scholar Liu Yuan and his
descendants. Many Daoist priests in Sichuan were affiliated with the
Liumen movement and used the Fayan huizuan scriptures in their
ritual activities. These practitioners constituted an independent
liturgical tradition of non-monastic Daoism in the area, which is still
extant and known under the name of Fayan tan
法言壇
(Altar of Ritual Words).
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Sages are
Stupid: Representations of Knowledge in the Daodejing
聖者愚﹕道德經中知識之表述
Thomas
Michael, （Professor,
Boston University, USA）
Abstract:
Throughout the Daodejing, the concept of “knowledge” zhi
is used in very striking ways; it is one of the most loaded terms in all
of the short text. There are two sides to knowledge, each posited,
directly and indirectly, at opposite poles from each other in relation
to its power to cause extreme benefit or extreme danger. Both usages of
knowledge are invested with a superlative degree of agency; to know
something is to effect a radical change in oneself, others, or the
world, either for the better or for the worse.
In this
paper, I discuss the ways in which the Sage acquires, enjoys, and
restrains his exercises of knowledge. I explore several passages that
demonstrate what a Sage knows, namely the dangers of knowledge, and how
a Sage knows, namely through embodiment. The acquisition of knowledge by
a Sage is often textually represented within the context of cultivation
sequences. As I will show, the acquisition of knowledge goes hand in
hand with the accumulation of power to act on the world. The Sage
differs from others who possess knowledge in that they exercise
knowledge back in on itself, they do not exercise it outwardly on the
world. I then examine the relationship of knowledge with “enlightenment”
ming, and show that enlightenment is precisely what the Sage
employs in order to restrain himself from the seduction to exercise
power and knowledge in the world. The next part of the paper explores
the representation of externally deployed knowledge as a sickness that
is addictive, contagious, and destructive. The paper concludes by
discussing those passages from the Daodejing that represent the
Sage as stupid and foolish.
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Reconsidering Humanity and Nature in the Zhuangzi
對《莊子》之人性與自然的再認識
Eric
Sean Nelson, （University
of Mass., Lowell, USA）
Abstract:
Naturalistic accounts of early Daoism and post-humanist interpretations
of the uncanny sublime suggest that the everyday personal life of the
individual is interrupted and dismantled by overwhelming impersonal
powers that reveal the “human” to be a false construction and the world
to be an aesthetic, natural, or mystical play of forces. I argue for a
third option between anthropocentric humanism and impersonal naturalism
by returning to the Zhuangzi. The ru tradition has
produced two seemingly contradictory critiques of the text known as
the Zhuangzi: (1) it suppresses rather than balances desires, thus
inappropriately taking the perspective of heaven or nature (tian)
rather than of humanity (ren), and (2) it advocates an aesthetic
nihilism involving the arbitrary assertion of desires in a free-play in
which one irresponsibly and selfishly does as one pleases. Contrary to
Xunzi’s criticism that Zhuangzi forgot the human in prioritizing nature
(tian), I argue that the Daoist sage (zhenren) is not
absorbed in the dao as an impersonal force, much less shattered
by its power and sublimity, but is perfected or individuated (zhen)
in free and easy wandering in relation to it and the myriad things (wanwu).
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In
Pursuit of Ming: Chuang-tzu’s Path of Liberation from
Social-cultural Constructions
Jennifer
Lundin Ritchie, （University
of British Columbia, CANADA）
Abstract:
Recent writings in cognitive science such as Antonio Damasio’s
Descartes’ Error (1994) and George Lakoff and Mark Johnson’s
Philosophy in the Flesh (1999) tell us that there are metaphors
which are the result of unconscious cognitive processes that are heavily
influenced by society’s institutions and practices, including their
ethical and moral standards. These unconsciously formed metaphors are
also often (if not always) unconsciously interpreted. My aim is to show
that although he could not possibly have known how to frame his work in
terms of somatic markers and primary metaphors, Chuang-tzu uses
metaphors in contradictory ways in order to break the reader’s automatic
unconscious assumptions and thereby allow them to think (and act) in a
different way from that prescribed by their social milieu. Chuang-tzu
did not subscribe to the socio-cultural constructions of his day, those
socially and culturally derived ideas of how a person should reason and
act, or what a person should embody and value. Rather, he advocated a
way of thinking beyond conventions, beyond traditional distinctions, a
way that he described as ‘having ming”. He used metaphors,
and especially the ming (明)
metaphor, in very unexpected ways in order to help people identify and
deconstruct the socio-cultural characteristics and practices that he
considered ‘unsuitable’ for a true enlightened person (真人),
so that they could be completely free of society’s influence and
conventions, at which point they could sit in a place of open
receptiveness, from which they could “respond endlessly” like a hinge.
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Action or
Non-action: the True Essence of Wuwei
Liu Yang,
（University
of British Columbia ）
Abstract:
The central tenet of Daoist philosophy, wuwei, is familiar to many
people throughout the world. Scholars in both China and in western
countries, through explorations of the masterpieces written by Laozi,
Zhuangzi and other sages, have put forth various interpretations and
explanations of its meaning. While their studies have certainly enhanced
our understanding of wuwei and the various ways in which it can be
interpreted, they have also sparked heated discussions that raise more
questions than answers. What is the true meaning of wuwei? What does
wuwei advocate? What is the result of wuwei? Finally, how does one
practice wuwei? These and other questions are still under debate, but
this essay will attempt to answer them by analyzing the literary meaning
of the term, moving beyond superficial interpretations of Laozi and
Zhuangzi’s works. In this paper I argue that it is not appropriate to
directly translate wuwei as “inaction” or “doing nothing”, as this may
mislead people. Wuwei is a fixed term and should instead be treated as a
borrowed phrase. Direct translation serves only to distort or confuse
its meaning. Through an examination of the works of Laozi, Zhuangzi and
other sages, I investigate the steps involved in practicing wuwei,
explaining several elements that are closely connected to the practice,
such as desirelessness, passionlessness, selflessness, silence and
emptiness. In addition, I have created an original diagram in order to
better illustrate the steps involved in the practice of wuwei, and the
ultimate path to achieving Tao.
This paper
endeavors to resolve some of the misinterpretations of the concept of
wuwei and to contribute to a more complete understanding and
appreciation of the works written by Laozi and Zhuangzi.
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Daoist
Images of the Gods: An International Database Project.
道教神像﹕國際數據資料庫計劃
Poul
Andersen (University of Hawaii).
Abstract:
This paper has been written in the context of the Daoist Iconography
Project (DIP), currently being developed at the University of Hawaii in
collaboration with the Honolulu Academy of Arts. The purpose of the
project is to create an electronic resource for research into Daoist
images, and it involves the digitization and description of Daoist
images of all kinds, notably, scrolls used in ritual. The images are
analyzed in terms of their context and use, as well as in terms of the
iconographic features which distinguish each figure represented. The
focus of this paper is a unique Ming dynasty scroll, which was recently
contributed to the project by a private collector. It shows Laozi as a
supreme deity, surrounded by other deities, and in particular, by a
circle of members of the Thunder Department, Leibu. Many of these
figures play an important role in rituals developed since the Song
dynasty (960-1278), where they are called on as members of the “troupes
of generals,” jiangban, which may be generated from within the body of
the priest and externalized to fight against the powers of evil. It will
be demonstrated that the arrangement of deities in this scroll
illustrates this relationship, and that it further correlates with the
fundamental Daoist theory of ritual efficacy which is expressed through
the concepts of ti and yong, substance and function.
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Images
for Popular Religion in the Ming Dynasty: Wall painting at the Temple of
the Three Lords
Ling-en Lu
(Nelson-Atkins Gallery)
Abstract:
In 1507, the artists from two local workshops completed the wall
paintings at the Temple of Three Lords (Dongyue Ji Yi miao),
located in the agrarian town Yangwang in southwestern Shanxi province, a
region historically known as Pingyang. The history of this temple is
documented on a commemorative stele, Dongyue Ji Yi miao bei,
dating to 1523. The stele inscription clearly indicates that the temple,
along with its paintings and altar sculptures, were built to honor three
lords: Dongyue, God of the Eastern Peak, who oversees terrestrial and
sub-terrestrial realms in Chinese religions; Hou Ji, commonly known as
Lord Millets, the hero who taught farming techniques to prevent famine
in antiquity and the legendary ancestor of the Zhou dynasty (c. 11th
c.-221 BCE); and Bo Yi, another ancient hero, credited with having tamed
wild animals and harmful insects. The paintings, depicting assemblies of
deities and historical tales, are centered on the cults of the three
principal deities. In this paper, I argue that the wall paintings in the
Temple of the Three Lords convey the beliefs in this triad: Dongyue who
undertook the patrons’ concern of afterlife and afterlife justice, and
Hou Ji and Bo Yi who provided a living paradise for the devotees:
officials and peasants. To reach this goal, I examine the cults and
patrons of the three lords in the Pingyang region, and then I explore
two of the narrative scenes and the most significant scenes, the
Assembly of Three Lords and Assembly of Three Saints.
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Taoist
hagiography: the case of the Chunyang dijun shenhua miaotong ji純陽帝君神化妙通紀
by Miao Shanshi苗善時
(fl. 1288-1324)
Isabelle Ang,
（Assistant
Professor, modern China, College de France法蘭西學院）
Abstract:
I
propose to explore Taoist hagiography through a concise analysis of the
Chunyang dijun shenhua miaotong ji純陽帝君神化妙通紀,
a work devoted to the immortal Lü Dongbin呂洞賓and
composed by the Quanzhen全真 master Miao Shanshi
苗善時 (fl. 1288-1324).
First, I
will examine the circumstances which probably determined the elaboration
of this text―in particular the Quanzhen patriarchs’s second canonization
in 1310. Secondly, I will bring out the author’s aim: whereas his most
obvious one, expressly stated in his preface, is to convert his
contemporaries, other implicite goals can also be revealed.
A thorough
analysis of the work’s structure will highlight the way the author
composes a kind of “total opus”. Several distinct components are in fact
integrated herein: a wide temporal one, which stretches from the Tang
dynasty to the end of the Song; a spatial one, which covers the greater
part of the Chinese territory; and a social one, which situates most of
social actors of the time―above all the emperor and his family, nobles,
literati of high rank, but also Buddhist monks, Taoists, merchants,
prostitutes, etc. By doing this, the author proposes to constitute a
common social body, as a Taoist ritual does. He shows that everybody has
the opportunity to incorporate the Tao into his life, which is a key
religious feature of the text.
In creating
his work, the author used different kind of literary sources, whether in
their original form or as he redacted them; he also probably wrote some
of the 95 (120 originally) remaining hua
化
(“transformations”, “miracles”) which compose the text. I will explore
some aspects of Miao Shanshi’s language, especially the entertaining
and colloquial ones. Although the hagiography was intended for educated
people, some of its stories were cited in the colophons accompanying the
mural paintings of an important Quanzhen temple, the Yongle gong, around
1358; at the same time it inspired many dramas and novels. That is to
say, Miao’s audience was not limited to the literati, and he was aware
of that.
In
conclusion, I will consider the way the author strategically includes
numbers of eminent characters in the miracle stories so that the text
has a kind of “political” aspect.
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Learned
Appreciations: Anecdotes of Daoists in Song Dynasty Collections of
Random Notes
宋人筆記中的道士傳說
Mark
Halperin,（
Professor, History, UC Davis）
Abstract:
The paper, part of a larger project to examine literati representations
of Daoism over the Tang-Song transition, takes up a sub-genre of
anecdotes in Song dynasty miscellanies, or biji
筆記.
These stories relate meetings between Confucian scholar-officials and
Daoists. In these tales, despite their hopes for enlightenment, literati
are left with a sense of disappointment and perplexity. These failures
do not bring about ill-will toward Daoists on the part of the narrators
or the anecdotal protagonists, and the tales as a whole represent a
tacit recognition of the autonomy of the Daoist world and the limits of
Confucian categories to apprehend it.
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The Rise
of Quanzhen Daoism and the Jurchen Court
全真教的興起和金朝內廷
Pierre
Marsone, （EPHE,
Paris）
摘要：全真教興起于金代的黃金時期金世宗在位期間（1160-1189）。王重陽（1113-1170）在從事了內丹的修行之後，曾嘗試在陜西傳教（1165-1167），未獲成功。於是他轉道山東，在那兒取得了一定的成績。他的身邊逐漸聚集的一批弟子，在幾十年時間裏發動了一場中國歷史上最具規模之一的宗教運動。從1187和1188年起，全真派代表人物被金廷召見。這一現象已是慣例：太一道的創始人蕭抱珍曾於1148年為金熙宗（1135-1149）召見過。
覲見是皇帝用來控制宗教運動的方法，同時也給這些運動提供了一種官方認可。但是於1187、1188年被召見的並不是教主劉長生，而是王玉陽和丘長春。另外，王玉陽（1142-1217）成為一個和世宗關系比較密切的出家人；而章宗（1190-1208）繼位後，全真教在明昌年間被禁；到了承安年間，王玉陽又再次被召見，而且劉長生最終才被召見。玉陽不久就回到山東隱居修煉，反是皇帝前去拜望過。幾年以後，帝妃李師兒又賜他道藏一部。最後，在1225年，世宗孫完顏璹還為王重陽撰寫了碑文。而此時的全真教剛剛歸順了威脅金帝國的成吉思汗（1206-1227）。通過這些事件可以看出，金代朝廷沒有促進，反而曾經試圖阻擋全真教的發展。但是面對這一趨勢，女真統治者決定了順應趨勢，支持這個無法壓抑的民間運動。
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西齊王廟的廢建與合流鎮的興衰—北宋末到金中期河南和山西地方社會研究
Cecile
Huayan Wang王華艷,（
Ecole des hautes Etudes en sciences socials ）(EHESS)
摘要：本文談到的西齊王就是“崔府君”，他在宋金元時期是一個有著一定影響力的地方神，後來逐漸演變為道教神東嶽大帝的輔佐神，專管陰府審判之事。以前有一些對崔府君的研究，但主要集中在對這一神靈本身的演化上面。而本文將探討以下幾個問題。首先，這一神祗在宋金時期受到朝廷和民間的普遍尊崇：南北宋和金的統治者不斷對其賜封；而在民間，其影響力也不斷擴大，由一開始局限於山陜地區逐漸向東南擴展，其祠廟廣布淮河南北。通過一些記載西齊王廟重建的碑文，包括最近發現的宋金時期碑文，我們看到寺廟的興廢與地方歷史的關系，以及與宗教相關的公共活動對地方社會生活的影響。例如河南中南部地區在宋金之交經歷了激烈的政治和社會動蕩，合流鎮正處於這一地區的中心，鎮上西齊王廟的興廢見證了這一歷史過程；同時修復寺廟的過程也體現了地方社會各階層利用這一事件對當地社會的重建，從中體現了中央與地方的關系、以民眾為主導的“會”、“社”組織在地方事務中的重要作用；並略與同時期南方社會的類似情況相比較，尤其是在“泥馬渡康王”事件後，西齊王祠廟在南方社會的影響。
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From the
Chen ancestral hall to the Belvedere Zenghua,
The
Foundation of a Taoist Cult Community in Rural Hunan (1924-2009)
Georges
Favraud, (Ph.D student, CNRS and Paris Dix), FRANCE
Abstract:
Spring 2005 in a Hunan village, Master Li, a Taoist of the Complete
authenticity tradition (Quanzhen pai
全真派),
has been invited by the local cult community to dwell in the “Belvedere
of increasing transformations” (Zenghua guan 增化觀)
and to drive the ritual area (tan
壇). As
a result of an ethnological field study, I distinguish
inside this
cult community : the temple’s administrators (retired village leaders
from the Maoist era and members of the local Chen lineage which founded
the temple during the Republic), lay disciples that assist master Li to
commemorate revealed scriptures (generally women whose child reached
adulthood), and the believers that punctually come to the temple to
attend cyclical ceremonies that gives rhythm to social life and
agriculture, or spontaneously to confront specific issues they encounter
in their lives.
The study of
the historical dynamic of this community during the 20th
century reveals changes that occurred in Chinese modern society, in the
practices and their transmission, but also the mutations of the meanings
attributed to the techniques themselves by the practitioners.
Apart from
his liturgical activities, this Taoist from the Southern Peak practices
ascetics, and hands down to lay disciples (generally young adults)
martial and long life techniques (fa
法)
which he inscribes in the Wudang tradition. The distinction between
techniques of “achieving quietness” (jinggong 靜功)
and “achieving movement” (donggong 動功)
will allow me to analyse the process of elaboration of the person and
its harmonization with the natural environment. Every disciple in his
own way considers that these techniques can transform their body and
their destiny. Thus, they collaborate in this community to elaborate
themselves as subjects in contemporary society.
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Putting
Life Into Images: On The Interior Adornment of Chinese Religious
Statues
注生於像﹕中國宗教神像之內飾
James Robson
(Harvard University).
Abstract:
Museums throughout the world are filled with a variety of Asian
religious images and icons, depictions of Buddhas, guardian deities, and
saintly figures, which are usually rendered in stone, metal, wood, clay
or lacquer. The Chinese icons and images in those collections tend to
be examples of what is termed “elite” or “high” art and are often
representations of gods and deities from a standard pantheon comprised
of popular national deities and common Buddhist figures. It is now
clear, however, that a different class of images and icons also
circulated at a more diffused level of society and we are now also aware
of a variety of images that were filled with different kinds of
contents. The contents of those images might include Daoist talismans,
Buddhist texts, relic fragments, symbolic organs, or consecration
certificates. In this talk I intend to probe the origins of the practice
of interring objects in statues and ask what can we learn when we shift
our gaze from external aesthetics to explore what is
found inside images? How has the discourse on idolatry and iconoclasm,
which critiques practices such as interring things in stautes in order
to give them life, conditioned the reception of these popular images?
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Dao
Divided: Distortions in and Prospects for Teaching Daoism in America
道之分裂﹕美國道教教學中對道教的歪曲現象及前景展望
Seth Harter,（
Marlboro College, Vermont, USA）
Abstract:
Defining Daoism may be a fool’s errand, but it is one we undertake, even
if only implicitly, whenever we teach within the field. Our acts of
inclusion and exclusion both reflect our understandings of what Daoism
is and reinscribe these understandings for successive generations. In
the last thirty years, scholarship has called into question distinctions
between the old categories of Daoist philosophy ( Daojia -
道家),
Daoist religion (Daojiao - 道教), and
Daoist arts ( Daoshu - 道術), but the
conventions of the American academy still discourage a synthetic or
holistic approach to the tradition.
By the late
20th century, iconic works of Daoist philosophy, particularly
the Daodejing (道德經)
and the Zhuangzi (莊子) had found a
relatively secure niche in American university curricula, albeit in a
host of different disciplines ranging from East Asian Studies to
Philosophy and from Chinese language to Religion and even History. By
the early 21st century, through the influence of scholars
such as Kristofer Schipper, Livia Kohn, and John Lagerwey, our treatment
in Religious Studies classes of Daoist ritual, both historical and
contemporary, has begun to extend beyond the old stereotypes of
dew-sipping immortals. For now, the realm of self-cultivation, however,
including breathing, stretching exercises and martial arts as well as
medicinal, sexual, and dietary practices, remains almost entirely
outside the academy.
Drawing on a
survey of current curricula; interviews with professors, students, and
practitioners; earlier studies such as J.J. Clarke’s The Tao of the
West, as well as the author’s own teaching experience, this essay
seeks to answer four questions. First, what distortions does an
academic approach to Daoism make likely or inevitable? Second, what are
the prospects for transcending or at least minimizing these
distortions? Third, what role might practitioners, both in China and
the West, play in this transcendence? Finally, should we seek a place
inside the academy for techniques of self-cultivation?
I hope that
answers to these questions will, in turn, help us to understand the
extent to which Daoism might offer not only an epistemology but also an
ontology radically distinct from that which currently guides western
academic culture.
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Not the
Eternal Song’–Iconicities of Style in the Setting of a Daoist Text to
Music
Paul
Humphreys, （Loyola
Marymount University, USA）
Abstract:
This paper cites processes and procedures in a recently-composed musical
work that suggest iconicity with a Daoist world view. Entitled the
song that can be sung is Not the Eternal Song (2007), the work
offers settings of nine of the eighty-one chapters of the Dao De Jing
[道德經]
for three-part women’s chorus and harp. Dedicated to the memory of
my mother. the work confirms the emphases of “woman,” the “feminine,”
and even explicit reference to “mother” in its selections of text. An
example is movement V of the work, a setting of Chapter Twenty: “I alone
am different, opting ... to drink at the breast of the Earth, my Mother”
[2008 World Festival of Sacred Music performance in Los Angeles, DVD
excerpt one].
Musical
procedures that embody the spirit and teaching of Daoism are several.
Throughout the work, cyclic figures, or “ostinato-s” (It. pl.
ostinati), are a primary organizing principle. These stand in
contrast with the more “structural” organizing principle of chords in
Western harmony and can be heard as being iconic with “flow” and
“process.” An example occurs in movement II of the work, a setting of
Chapter Forty-three: “What’s softest ... rushes and runs over what’s
hardest” [ibid, DVD excerpt two].
Ostinato-s
in the work embody yet another fundamental premise of Daoism: generative
interaction between complementary opposites. In one instance, a short
West-African-derived motive shifts in and out of phase, moon-like, with
a regular pulse. In another instance, a figure suggested by the gamelan
music of Indonesia sustains rhythmic interest through a kind of binary
alternation. Two polarities are evident here: high/low pitch on the one
hand and accented/unaccented rhythmic placement on the other. These
ostinato-s–distinct, yet “empty” of identity except by virtue of the
processes described here–play out and finally combine in movement III, a
setting of Chapter Twenty-nine: “The world is a spiritual thing ... to
control it is to lose it” [ibid, DVD excerpt three].
At points
within the work, chordal harmony is employed, but without reference to
“progression” in a Western structural sense. Chords are instead
juxtaposed in a manner that suggests ambiguity, spaciousness, even
“emptiness” and can be heard in this way as iconic of teachings of the
wheel and the cup that appear in Chapter Eleven of the Dao De Jing
(though not among the nine chapters included within NTES).
These “non-functional” chords are heard in both movements IX and I of
the work, settings of Chapters One and Thirty-two, respectively: “The
Dao that can be named is not the eternal Dao” [ibid, DVD excerpt four].
Finally, a
link with Daoism is established through quoting from the classical
repertoire of the seven-string, long-zither qin [琴],
in this case a composition from the Mei-an Qinpu [梅庵琴譜],
“Yi gu ren” [憶故人] or “Remembering an
Old Friend” at both the opening and close of the work [ibid, DVD excerpt
five; brief live performance on the qin].
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The
Infant and the Dharmakāya: Interplay between Daoism and Buddhism in Late
Imperial Inner Alchemy
嬰兒與法身﹕帝制晚期內丹中的佛道互動
Douglas
Gildaw (for Daniel Burton-Rose), Princeton University,
Abstract:
This panel seeks to explore the gender dynamics inherent in late
imperial inner alchemy through a simultaneous questioning of
permeability of doctrinal boundaries and ideas of masculinity and sexual
practices. We are seeking a third presenter on the subject of women’s
elixir practices (nüdan
女丹).
Elena Valussi would like to participate but is currently unable to
commit for certain. We are also asking Kenneth Dean’s student Sara
Neswald. We hope to be able to confirm the third participant with
conference organizers by January 1, 2009, but are asking for provisional
acceptance of the panel.
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Qiu
Zhaoao, a Sexual Alchemist at the Court of the Kangxi Emperor
仇兆鏊﹕康熙朝中的陰陽雙脩家
Clark
Hudson, （Professor,
Religious Studies, University of Virginia）
Abstract:
Qiu Zhaoao 仇照鰲
(1638–1717) was a high official in the Kangxi court (rising to the rank
of Vice Minister of the Ministry of Personnel). He was also a leading
disciple of the Neo-Confucian master Huang Zongxi (1610–95), and an
author of renowned commentaries on Confucian classics and Tang poetry.
Qiu began to study the alchemical classics Zhouyi Cantong qi and Wuzhen
pian soon after arriving at court in 1685, and published major
exegetical works on both classics in 1710. Somewhere along the line,
probably not long after 1685, he became an enthusiastic sexual
alchemist. Later, he recommended sexual practices to Kangxi himself on
several occasions.
Qiu’s friend
Tao Susi 陶素耜
(fl. 1700–11), is the only sexual alchemist explicitly linked to Qiu in
historical records that I know of (Qiu and Tao’s discipleship under Sun
Jiaoluan 孫教鸞, 1505–1620, must be apocryphal).
However, I have found evidence of other high officials of the Kangxi and
Yongzheng courts who were interested in sexual alchemy (yinyang danfa)
or sexual macrobiotics (fangzhong). It is known that many high officials
of the Qing studied the Zhouyi cantong qi, but was there also a
sexual-alchemical circle at court? How does this revise our views of the
“Confucianism” of court officials in this period? In this paper, I will
pursue this evidence, and set it in its socio-historical context.
In addition
to social history, I will also compare Qiu Zhaoao’s teachings (as
revealed in his two alchemical commentaries) with the sexual-alchemical
teachings of his predecessors Weng Baoguang, Chen Zhixu, Lu Xixing, Sun
Ruzhong, and “Zhang Sanfeng.” I hope this comparative study will add to
our knowledge of pre-modern sexual alchemy.
Two
side-topics I will explore in the paper are (1) Qiu Zhaoao’s theory of
alchemical transmission, and (2) his position on the issue of sanjiao
heyi (unity of the Three Teachings).
Most
alchemists of the Song and Yuan emphasized that, ultimately, alchemy can
only be grasped through a master’s secret oral instructions. However,
this rhetoric is strikingly absent from Qiu’s alchemical discourse. For
teachers of the Song and Yuan, the Cantong qi and Wuzhen pian offer no
“point of entry” (xiashou chu
下手處)
for the beginner: these classics can confirm, but not substitute for, a
master’s oral instructions. Although not without teachers himself, Qiu
apparently believed that the classics were enough. I will offer a
sociological explanation of this contrast: whereas Song and Yuan
teachers needed to affirm the indispensibility of the master because
this was their livelihood, Qiu had no such need.
Finally, I
will analyze Qiu’s position on the sanjiao heyi issue, which I may
characterize as “Confucian-Daoist ecumenism.”
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Women
Healing and Taoist Neidan
in 20th Century
二十世紀女修丹道治療疾病
Catherine
Despeux戴思博教授,
Professor, (C.N.R.S.) (法國國家科學研究院)
Abstract:
During the years 1930-35, Chen Yingning got a group of female disciples
who were studying neidan with him. There is existing a
correspondence between these women and Chen Yingning, who precisely
describe many contents about neidan practices, for example which
sensations or phenomena were producing during the practices and the
problems who could be encountered, like some diseases. 50 years later,
in 1982, Cheng Laiyuan got also a group of female disciples which
founded a Taoist association named “Alchemical Institute of Yellow
Dragon”. These women also have written some of their experiences.
We intend to
analyse these two accounts for several points:
1) the
relation between master and female disciple;
2) the
importance of reference’s sources who are all well known texts on
kundao “the way for women” at the end of the 19th century, and their
diffusion;
3) the use
of these texts as support for the mystical and physical experiences of
changes produced by the neidan practices;
4) the
actualisation of the description of the experiences with special
references to the physiological body according to biomedicine
5) the
training of neidan practices for healing woman’s illnesses.
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Daoist
Psychotherapy?: The Psychologisation of Daoism
道教心理治療術﹕論當代西方道教之心理化
Elliot Cohen
(Leeds Metropolitan University, GREAT BRITAIN)
Abstract:
As Daoism continues to take root and grow within the West, I am
interested to what extent Westerners are seeking to understand and
relate to Daoism according to its own terms and voice, and the degree to
which Westerners are seeking to revise and reinterpret Daoism to suit
their own particular tastes, trends and sensibilities; raising the
question ‘will Westerners serve as either custodians or innovators of
the Dao?’
The purpose
of this paper is to highlight and explore the various strategies of
assimilation through which Daoism has been, and as is currently being,
absorbed into the discipline of Psychology, and more generally Western
culture (Clarke 2000). To a large extent this process of assimilation
has already occurred with regards to Buddhism; with a sizable and
growing body of literature concerning Buddhist Psychology and
Psychotherapy (Kabat-Zinn 1990, Epstein 1999, Brazier 2003, Goleman
2004, Williams et al 2007).
Western
Psychology and Psychotherapy’s appeals to ‘Eastern’ antiquity may be
understood within the context of Psychology’s youth as a discipline and
its comparative (self-perceived) immaturity when compared with Buddhist
and Daoist systems of thought and cultivation. One may understand the
progressive ‘Psychologisation’ of Daoism as both representing and
working towards its ‘naturalisation’ into the West, where Psychology is
a dominant, typically ‘secular’ discourse.
This paper
will endeavour to reveal some of the potential pitfalls and
opportunities concerning Psychology’s alliance with Daoist thought and
practice; and asks the question whether the emergence of a ‘Daoist
Psychology’ is either necessary or desirable?
More
particularly the paper will be exploring which domains of Psychology are
beginning to lay claim to, compete for, Daoism; these include Analytic
Psychology (Rosen 1997), Cognitive-Behavioural Therapy (Young, Zhou and
Zhu 2008) and Humanistic approaches (Johanson and Kurtz 1994).
The paper
concludes by considering the relatively recent emergence of the Forth
Force, Transpersonal movement within Psychology; its atypical openness
to spiritual teachings and experience. I will be contending that it is
within the Transpersonal domain of Psychology that Daoist thought and
practice may be most readily and naturally encountered.
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Eastern and Western Psychosomatics –Possibilities of Integration
東西方心理身體學之相互融和
Marić-Oehler,
W.（
President of the German Medical Acupuncture Association）
Abstract:
Different cultures have created different ways of thinking, perception
as well as possibilities to explain body and mind. The long tradition of
classic Chinese medicine is based on an inseparable unit of body and
mind, constantly changed and transformed by different factors.
Modern
western medicine is based on natural science and focussed on the body as
an anatomic structure. Its medical system is missing a systematic order
of specific correlations between body and mind. Hundred years ago
psychoanalysis was developed concentrated on the psychic level of the
human being.
Just fifty
years ago ‘psychosomatics’ has been slowly established. It still plays
an unimportant role in western medicine which is centred on the somatic
level. Western acupuncture doctors, western psychotherapists and
specialists on psychosomatics are working in two different medical
fields. Exchange and cooperation is very rare.
New findings
in neuroscience are more and more able to explain the effect of emotions
and traumatic events, the effect of psychotherapy as well as the effect
of acupuncture on the brain and nervous system.
Exchanging
concepts and practical therapeutic experience could be the bridge for
encouraging a better understanding and bringing eastern medicine and
western psychotherapy more close together.
This could
be the first step in developing an integrative psychosomatics.
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Syntax,
Prosody and Texture: towards a Literary Reading of the Tao Te Ching
ZHAO
Xiaohuan, （professor,
Universities of Otago, NEW ZEALAND）
Abstract:
This paper
attempts a stylistic analysis of the
Taote ching
[Classic of the Way and Virtue] through a systematic examination of
various linguistic and rhetorical devices employed in this Taoist canon
to achieve a poetic effect in the prose form. The data for textual
analysis will be the Wang Bi (226-249) annotated text, which is included
in Volume 3 of the Zhonghua shuju 2006 edition of the Zhuzi jicheng.
Where necessary, references will also be made in the course of textual
analysis to other major versions of the Tao te ching in current
circulation, which have been collated and rectified in line with the
Gudian bamboo-slip text and the Mawangdui silk manuscripts.
This paper
will start with a brief review of studies of the language of the Tao
te ching before moving on to discuss the literariness of this Taoist
text. Stylistic analyses of this Taoist canon will be
concentrated on three interrelated linguistic aspects of the text, that
is, syntax, prosody and texture. In close connection with syntax are two
prominent features of Chinese classical poetry we will examine in detail
in this paper, parallelism and antithesis. Next, an exploration of the
prosodic features will be conducted with regard to the length of line in
terms of number of syllables, metric units, and rhyming and tonal
patterns. The following section will deal with the textual features
focus on textual cohesion and coherence and logico-semantic relations
between clauses and clause complexes as achieved and manifested through
linguistic and rhetorical devices.
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The (cor)relation
of nature (性)
and emotions (情) in the Zhuangzi
Dominique
Hertzer, （Ph.D,
East-West Institute, GERMANY）
Abstract:
In the discussion between Zhuang Zi and Hui Zi in chapter five (Dechongfu德充符),
Zhuang Zi takes insofar a negative view on emotions as he claims, that
men do not have feelings. This leads to the question whether emotions (qing情)
are a part of a man’s inborn nature (xing性)
or whether they on the contrary harm this nature.
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The
Piping of Man - Metaphors of Emotions in the Zhuangzi
Irmgard
Enzinger,（
Ph.D, independent scholar, GERMANY）
Abstract:
In the Zhuangzi, we find a philosophical view on human emotions
expressed in an utterly metaphorical language. An analysis of this
imagery shows that, on one hand, emotions are appreciated as natural
expressions of the human heart and the vital forces. At the same time,
emotions are conceived as a confinement or even lethal threat for the
heart and the vital forces.
Instead of
dissolving this paradox, several metaphors of the Zhuangzi are
pointing to a life-affirming way of handling it. They draw attention to
the heart’s faculty of emptying itself from self-centered affairs and
becoming aware of the great movements of Heaven and Earth.
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Hagiography and Theophany: Visual Narratives of Zhenwu in the Ming
神傳與聖跡﹕明代真武的視覺敘事
Noelle
Giuffrida (Vassar College)
Abstract:
Zhenwu, the Perfected Warrior, reached the peak of his popularity in
China during the Ming (1368-1644). The production and dissemination of
visual narrative collections played a key role in strengthening and
spreading the Daoist god’s cult. The fifteenth century
woodblock-printed Wudang jiaqing tu [Pictures of Joyful
Celebrations on (Mount) Wudang] and the early seventeenth century
edition of the vernacular novel Beiyou ji [Journey to the North]
were each fashioned to serve diverse audiences. Editors combined
illustrations of episodes from Zhenwu’s hagiography, depictions of his
contemporaneous theophanies and miraculous deeds, along with
representations of his forceful conversion of other deities to create
collections that demonstrate the wide social range of Zhenwu devotees
and shifting beliefs about the god’s powers. An analysis of the
selection, sequence, and representation of the stories indicates the
appeal of specific episodes and demonstrates how they were adapted for
different audiences. Study of these surviving collections reveals how
each contributed to the permeation of visual narratives of the god into
many levels of Ming society, serving as vehicles of spiritual and
commercial benefit for editors and publishers while also helping to
transmit and maintain Zhenwu’s cult among the people.
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Ordination Scroll of Empress Zhang (1493) in the Context of Ming Court
Painting明代宮廷畫環境下的
‘張皇后受籙圖’
Yu Ping Luk
(Ph.D. Candidate, Oxford University)
Abstract:
This paper explores the relationship between the Ming-dynasty (1368 –
1644) imperial court and the Orthodox Unity (Zhengyi
正一)
sect of Daoism, and how it is manifested not only textually but also in
material terms. An important example of this is a monumental handscroll
known as the Ordination Scroll of Empress Zhang (暫譯張皇后授籙圖),
now in the San Diego Museum of Art. This unusual handscroll documents
the Daoist ordination of Empress Zhang 張皇后
(1470 – 1541), wife of the Hongzhi 弘治 emperor
(r. 1488 – 1505). Over 27 metres in length, it consists of a procession
of celestial figures, including a portrait of the empress herself, and
an inscription written by Zhang Xuanqing 張玄慶
(d. 1509), the forty-seventh leader of the Orthodox Unity sect. The
inscription dates the handscroll to 1493 and provides evidence that
Empress Zhang undertook the highest level of initiation. Yet,
interestingly no mention is made of this event in dynastic histories,
biographies, gazetteers or Daoist texts.
The Empress
Zhang handscroll can be studied in various ways. This paper focuses upon
its production by locating it within the surviving visual and material
culture of the Ming dynasty. As a work containing an image of the
empress, one relevant body of work for comparison is Ming court
painting, in particular imperial portraiture. The depiction of Empress
Zhang in the handscroll is in contrast to commemorative imperial
portraits of the Nanxundian
南薰殿
collection. Instead, it appears more closely related to alternative
formats of imperial portraiture, such as “emperor’s pleasures” (xingle
tu 行樂圖). Comparisons will also be made to
visual records of religious events, such as depictions of the
manifestation of Zhenwu 真武 at Mount Wudang
武當山, and imperially sponsored images for
religious ritual such as Water-and-land paintings (shuilu hua
水陸畫).
By locating
the Empress Zhang handscroll within the context of Ming court painting,
it not only helps to verify the dating of the handscroll, it also sheds
light upon the systems and processes in place that would enable a work
like it to be produced. This is significant for our understanding of
whether the Empress Zhang handscroll was a product of the imperial
workshop or the Daoist institution. This in turn has implications for
our understanding of the circumstances surrounding Empress Zhang’s
ordination and the relationship between the Ming imperial court and the
Orthodox Unity sect.
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Twofold
Mystery in Its Context: Logic and Magic in the Dialogue of Buddhism and
Daoism in Early Medieval China歷史環境中之重玄﹕
中國中古早期佛道對話中的邏輯與魔奇
Dr. Friederike Assandri, (Sinologisches Seminar, University of
Heidelberg
Abstract:
Twofold Mystery (Chongxuan xue), popular during the Sui and early Tang,
is a Daoist philosophy that employs Madhyamika logic, introduced in
China by Kumarajiva, to interpret the Daode jing. The teaching proposed
salvation through insight leading to enlightenment, and found its way as
the major salvational proposition into many Daoist scriptures from the
Sui and Tang (Assandri, 2005).
I will look
at one such text, the Wondrous Scripture on Saving Live and Preventing
Disasters, Spoken by Taishang [when he was about to] Ascend to the
Mystery (太上升玄消災護命妙經
; DZ 19, tentatively dated to the early Tang (Shipper/Verellen 2004,
554; Ren Jiyu 1991, 20). It combines in less than 300 words two powerful
features of scripture: a ‘magically efficacious’ apotrope and a ‘content
based’ way to reach enlightenment through philosophical reasoning along
the lines of Twofold Mystery.
Addressing
an elite audience, the text provides us with some facets of the
interplay of Buddhism and Daoism in early medieval China on a high
social and intellectual level, thereby adding new elements to a field
covered by studies like e. g. Mollier 2008.
Analyzing
the text with regard to intended audience and “countertext” (Wagner,
2000, 150), I will show that the text must have aimed at actively
converting people who revered the Buddhist Heart Sutra. The means of
this enterprise consist in offering an explanation of the core-statement
of the Heart Sutra, and at the same time making explicit the apotropaic
functions associated only implicitly with the Heart Sutra (e.g. T 2053,
224b).
This text’s
answer to Buddhism covers magic efficacy as well as high level logic. It
demonstrates clearly that Daoism was not passively ’influenced’ (as
modern scholars sometimes liked to think), nor ‘simply stole’ Buddhist
concepts (as the Buddhists at the time liked to accuse). Instead, we can
see the creative interplay of the two religions at work. A creatively
improved use of the original logic of the tetra lemma is employed to
explain a ‘difficult philosophical problem’, the statement “form is
emptiness and emptiness is form”. The further addition of apotropaic
promises enlarges the scope of the text and underscores on how many
levels the interaction of Daoism and Buddhism took place simultaneously
also on the level of the elite and “highest religious scholasticism” (Mollier
2008, 209).
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The
Concept of Gan Lei and Gan Ying in Daoist Thinking - a fractal
Correspondence?
道家思維中的 “感類”與“感應”觀念﹕一種分形互感？
Dr.med.Wolfgang Schulz,
（International
Society of Chinese Medicine, Munich, Germany (Societas Medicinae
Sinensis (SMS), GERMANY)
Abstract:
Gan Lei 感類 －
the sympathetic response between similar kinds of existence was
concidered one of the very basic principles underlying cosmic evolution.
Joseph Needham called this principle of Gan Lei a „symbolic correlation
system“.„Similar kinds mutually influence“ （物類相動）
we read in the Chun Qiu Fan Lu 春秋繁露, chapter
57, written by Dong Zhong Shu 董中舒。This concept
of thinking formed the basis of Traditional Chinese causation theory (Needhham,
J. Science and Civilisation, 2:281-282).
Gan Ying
感應
has a similar meaning but lay stress on a resonance phenomenon of
similar kinds: Things of the same Genus energize each other (同類相動)
(Dong Zhong Shu, chapt. 57)
On one hand
I want to try to emphasize this kind of thinking to be found in Daoist
thinking especially in the Zhuangzi.
One the
other hand I want to make a point of the chaos theory set forth that
this kind of Daoist thinking is a thinking in terms of verisimilitude or
resemblance like the order in the fractal geometry of nature:
structure in structure in structure.
This should
be a point of dicussion!
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The Cult
of the ‘Wondrous Manifestation’ and the Perfected Warrior Cult in
Japan日本妙見信仰與真武崇拜
NIKAIDO
Yoshihiro二階堂 善弘,
（professor, Kansai University, Japan）
摘要：日本宗教文化中，受了道教影響的事物實在多。但是，歷史上日本沒有道觀、道士，所以常常道教文物在佛寺、神社等其他宗教空間上才看得出來。宋明代，真武大帝信仰非常發展，流行到日本，可是日本沒有道教信仰傳統，所以真武變成其形象，其名稱也不一樣。結果在日本受了真武信仰影響的有三種神。第一是“妙見菩薩”，第二是“鎮宅靈符神”，第三就是“大將軍神”。但是，其神明互相影響，還不明白的地方許多。檢討這些日本神明信仰之中真武信仰的影響。
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Tradition
Reinvented: How Zhenwu Appropriated Mt. Wudang
Shin-yi Chao
趙昕毅,（
Rutgers University, USA）
Abstract:
This paper looks at the transformation of Mt. Wudang from one of the
sacred sites in Chinese religious landscape into the seat of the Zhenwu
cult.
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Humans as
Recipients of “God’s Breath” in Western Psychosomatics as opposed to
“There is not one thing that does not require qi in order to live” in
Daoism
Dr. med.
Elisabeth Friedrichs,
（Medical
Association for Qigong Yangsheng, Germany）
Abstract:
In contrast to later developments of the discipline, the pioneers of
psychosomatics in Europe and America, during the first half of the 20th
century, were concerned with severe illness of their patients. Their
views seem to show a number of parallels to the world of Chinese
medicine and philosophy. In both perspectives we find the opinion that
to understand any illness we need to look at the situation of the
patient.
Western
psychosomatics with Flanders Dunbar in America and Viktor von Weizsäcker
in Germany as two prominent representatives focuses on the human,
following the Christian and Western tradition. Von Weizsäcker even tried
to introduce the concept of “anthrolopolical medicine” for his
approach.
In Chinese
medicine, however, illness, in the tradition of Taoist philosophy, is
understood as a malfunction of the harmonious flow of the universal
vital energy qi
氣
that permeates everything natural.
In this
paper, some core statements by von Weizsäcker, especially from his
lecture “In the Beginning, God Created Heaven and Earth: Fundamental
Issues in Natural Philosophy“, will be presented and compared to central
points of Taoist philosophy, especially the statement by Ge Hong葛洪in
Bàopuzi抱朴子
("the
master who embraces simplicity") (Neipian內篇Inner
Chapter
(5.) Zhili至理
The Ultimate Order):
"Man is
within the qi, the qi is within the man. From heaven and earth down to
the myriad things, there is not one thing that does not require qi in
order to live. If you are good at circulating your qi, on the inside you
can nourish your body, on the outside you can ward off evil forces. But
people use the qi every day and do not understand it.” Translated by
Imre Galambos)
抱朴子•至理》
夫人在氣中，氣在人中，自天地至於萬物，無不須氣以生者也,
善行氣者，內以養身，外以去惡，然百姓日用而不知焉
It will be
considered what differences, but also what connections may exist between
the two approaches.
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Daoism
and modern industrial society – represented by the clinical picture of
‘Burn out’道教與現代工業社會﹕臨床“極度疲憊症”的表現
Dr. med. Eike
Heinicke, （Specialist
psychosomatic/Chinese medicine, GERMANY）
Abstract:
Burn-out is an increasingly wide-spread clinical picture in
achievement-oriented societies. This medical condition doesn't only
affect men, managers, teachers, but increasingly women, especially
single mothers, and on top of this children, schoolchildren.
The
diagnosis "burn-out" is made in my office in the country, too. The
diagnosis mainly is made by means of the inquiry of the anamnesis,
it's confirmed by means of the evaluation of the electrocardiogram and
laboratory parameters.
The purpose
of the therapy is to encompass a change of lifestyle, harmonizing
everyday life, conscious nutrition, and pracitcing the movement patterns
that encompass the entire body, power of imagination, and emotiveness.
Searching for the causes and increase of this illness, Prof. G.
Huether's presentation "the vain endeavour of neuro-scientists for the
place where the soul resides" is very helpful.
Therein,
Neurobiologist and -scientist Prof. Gerald Huether,
Goettingen/ Germany detects a model of explanation for the emergence of
greed, avarice, and envy by virtue of unsatisfied elementary
needs during childhood. This loss of control can be seen as a cause of
the "burn-out" in our patients, like the global lapse of the banks in
2008 in the leading industrial nations.
Every human
being has a basic need for commitment on the one hand and free
development on the other hand when growing up.
My teacher,
Prof. Jiao Guorui, expresses this on pg. 30 of his didactic poem,
published in 1993, in this way:
Esteem
the teacher and respect
the
parents, cherish the Dao
and
retain honesty.
The essence
for commitment can be found also in this text, for example:
Fire and
water have energy,
plants
have energy and life,
animals
have energy, life, and knowledge
humans
have energy, life, knowledge, and connection.
from
Chinese philosophy (Xunzi).
The
statement of neurobiologist and -scientist Prof. Gerald Huether from
Goettingen in a sense scienifically confirms the wisdom of the ancient
Chinese now.
I will
outline the life story, diagnostics, and therapy of the clinical picture
of "burn-out" based on a few patients' cases of exhaustion from my
practice, and point out the connections to brain research, TCM and
ancient reflections of Chinese philosophy, as well as Daoism and
Confucianism.
Traditional
methods of healing in holistic medicine are a enrichment because they
cherish and connect mind and Soma equally, like past and presence in
Diagnosis and treatment of chronic illnesses.
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Sex and
Health in the Huangdi Neijing Suwen
Jessieca Jones,（
Maximilian University, Munich, German）
Abstract:Sex
and Sexuality in the Suwen is an all-encompassing concept,
inclusive not only of the genderisation of the sexes, but also of the
physiological, psychological and anatomical functions of the human
being. It is portrayed as a series of structures, functions, activities
and attitudes characterised by a natural and fundamental difference
between male and female, which accompany us throughout our life from
conception to death. All these different aspects of sex and sexuality in
the Suwen are presented within the different confines of Chinese
medicine, such as in the field of pathology, diagnosis, prognosis,
therapy, and symptom of disease.
The sexual
act between man and woman is represented as both a cause as well as a
symptom of disease in the Suwen, with sexual excess identified as
one of the many common causes. This paper deals with the identification,
documentation and analysis of the different terminologies used to
express the sexual act and looks at sexual maladies discussed in the
Suwen.
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Historicizing Supreme Bliss: The Rise of Erotica in Tang China
歷史環境中的“大樂”中國唐代情色的興起
Yao Ping,
（Professor,
Harvard Divinity School, USA）
Abstract:
“The intercourse of Heaven and Earth balances the universe; intercourse
of a man and a woman results in the proper order of yin and
yang”. This passage from Bai Xiangjian’s白行簡
(776-826) “Tiandi yinyang jiaohuan dale fu
天地陰陽交歡大樂賦”
(Poetic
essay on supreme bliss of the sexual union of heaven and earth and yin
and yang),
as well as the essay’s graphic descriptions of various sexual acts, have
convinced scholars to render the text as a product of Daoist inner
alchemy, and part of the so-called fangzhongshu
房中術
(the art of the bedchamber) tradition. The title of the essay, which the
author would later shorten to “Dale fu大樂賦”
(Poetic essay on supreme bliss), however, points to a much more complex
formulation of Tang erotica. For example, the term dale
大樂,
while rarely appeared in earlier Daoist writings, is a core concept in
Tantric Buddhism, which advocates that such a stage of nirvana can be
achieved through sexual union. In a close reading of Dale fu,
my paper intends to investigate the rivalry and mingling of Daoism
and Buddhism in Medieval China, and to assess the impact of such process
on the Tang perception of sexuality and gender. In addition, I argue
that the rise of the literati elite played a key role in the shaping of
China’s first wave of erotica. In stressing poetic expression,
aesthetic, manner, and romance, Tang erotica signified the end of
vampirism, a recurring theme in pre-Tang fangzhongshu writings.
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The Great
Dipper cult: visualization, talismans, and iconography
北斗崇祀之形象、符籙及圖譜考
Christine
Mollier, (Researcher, CNRS), FRANCE
Abstract:
From
antiquity, the constellation of the Great or Northern Dipper (Beidou)
has occupied a major place in Chinese astrology and religious belief.
The Beidou stars, which were considered as universal regulators of
cosmic events and the governors of human destiny, were particularly
important in Taoist traditions, but were also worshipped by Tang
practitioners of Tantrism and later Buddhists as well. Among the
countless rites dealing with the Great Dipper that were developed by
Taoism during the medieval period, we will examine a corpus of Tang
Shangqing Registers that provide conspicuous visual and descriptive
representations of the anthropomorphic divinities of the Great Dipper.
In this context, the concrete descriptions of the material support –such
as maps, diagrams, and talismans— on which they were to be designed for
ritual utilization will also be considered. We will see too how these
iconographic norms and talismanic elements were maintained in later
Taoist and Buddhist traditions.
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Daoist
Appropriation of the Bixia yuanjun: Sources of Images in a late Qing
Pictorial
Hagiography of the Goddess of Miaofeng shan
道教的碧霞元君：試析白雲觀藏《娘娘分身圖》之圖像源流
Chui Ki
Maggie Wan尹翠琪,
（Dept of Fine Arts, CUHK香港中文大學藝術系）
Abstract:
This paper discusses the relation between images and texts in the Daoist
tradition of inner alchemy and of constructing visual narratives of
gods. It examines a set of late Qing paintings entitled “Niangniang
fenshen tu” 娘娘分身圖
(The Goddess Mt. Tai on Her Way to Immortality), and compares it with
Song to Ming illustrated Daoist treatises on inner alchemy. It argues
that this painting set represented a Daoist attempt to appropriate the
goddess Bixia yuanjun 碧霞元君 to itself by using
specific compositions and images current in the tradition of inner
alchemy in formulating her pictorial hagiography. The intention of the
paintings was to establish her identity as a master of inner alchemy and
thus to associate her popularity to the specific tradition of Daoism.
Bixia
yuanjun 碧霞元君
(Sovereign of the Clouds of Dawn), better known as the Goddess of Mount
Tai, was the most popular female deity in North China in the late Ming
and Qing dynasties. Although the goddess had one scripture in the Xu
Daocang續道藏 (Supplement to the Daoist
Canon) and her title yuanjun元君 (Sovereign)
carried strong Daoist connotation, research done by Susan Naquin and
Brian Dott has shown that the popularity of the goddess had little to do
with Daoism.
The goddess was worshipped especially for her efficacy in granting
miraculous pregnancies, and her power to answer sincere prayers also
attracted people from all walks of life. Temples to the goddess were
found on Mount Tai and many other places in North China. However, her
temple on Miaofeng shan to the northwest of Beijing rivalled that on
Mount Tai in becoming the main site of pilgrimage soon after its
establishment in the mid-seventeenth century. Toward the end of the
nineteenth century, Miaofeng shan had become the sacred peak of the
Bixia yuanjun and pilgrims flocked to the mountain every spring to
celebrate her birthday.
The painting
set concerned here was dedicated to the Bixia yuanjun of the Miaofeng
shan. It was commissioned and inscribed by Gao Rentong高仁峒,
the abbot of the imperially-supported White Cloud Monastery in Beijing
in 1890 and is still preserved in the Monastery. It consists of 22
hanging scrolls featuring 41 episodes of the life of the goddess. Among
the 41 episodes, 21 are directly related to her cultivation of inner
alchemy. Although Bixia yuanjun, like many Daoist deities and immortals,
was said to attain immortality through the accomplishment of inner
alchemy, the process of how she actually practised inner alchemy is not
described in Daoist scriptures. So, where did images of this process on
the paintings originate from?
This paper
will begin with a brief review of various legends and writings in
relation to the goddess Bixia yunajun. Then it examines the 41 episodes
of the visual narrative of the goddess with special focus on the 21
episodes about inner alchemy. Through comparing the painting set with
the 17th century illustrated treatise on inner alchemy,
Xingming guizhi
性命圭旨
(Directions for Endowment and Vitality), this paper will show how
pictorial and textual instructions of inner alchemy were developed into
a series of pictorial composition and motifs that could be used in
formulating Daoist hagiography of gods. Several pictorial hagiographies
of Daoist gods predated the 17th century will also be
examined. Finally, this paper will look at the rest of the episodes in
the painting set and compares them with writings and images of Buddhist,
Daoist and popular religious origins. It will consider how episodes of
different legends and stories about the goddess’ life (even those
originated from other religions) made their appearance in the painting
set and thus demonstrate the complexity of the construction of visual
narratives of gods in late imperial China.
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Tracing the Evolution of Anthropomorphic Images of Daoist Divinities”
追尋道教神靈的人形演繹
Patricia
Karetzky, （Bard
College 紐約巴德學院）
Abstract:
Since first mentioned in Zhuangzi immortals were described as having
transcended the human condition and a few physical characteristics such
as square pupils distinguished them from the mortals. Beginning in the
Zhou Dynasty artists began the long evolution of picturing these beings
as anthropomorphic celestials. This talk will trace the evolution of the
image of the Daoist immortals from the earliest time to the Ming dynasty
and analyze the artistic conventions employed to portray their divine
stature.
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The
Appropriation of an Image: How Haifan Became a Yao Divinity
海翻是如何成為瑤族之神?
Lucia Obi,
（Bavarian
State Library, Germany）
Abstract:
By analyzing ethnographic reports, visual representations and liturgical
scriptures the paper will suggest that the representation of the Youmian
(Yao) divinity Haifan
海翻
merges iconographic features of Daoist divinities of various ritual
traditions, especially the Lüshan- 閭山 and
Meishan 梅山- orders of southern China.
All the
young men in a Youmian community are jointly ordained into the Daoist
Lüshan- 閭山
order which entitles them to the possession of liturgical texts and
ritual scrolls. Among the full set of seventeen painted scrolls two
depict the martial divinity Haifan. He is depicted bare-footed, riding a
“southern snake” nanshe 南蛇, blowing a horn,
summoning his troops for the fight against the evil, or ascending a
sword ladder. He is holding a bowl of lustral water, brandishing a sword
or a priest’s stave, his foot resting on a fire wheel. In Youmian ritual
scriptures Haifan is described as divinity with exorcistic qualities, as
a master of the „magical arts“, transmitting the “right doctrine”. The
texts however stay silent in regard to his hagiography and only mention
the fact that he “went down into the sea, the southern snake wound
around his neck”.
His
sobriquet 張趙二郎
which was already mentioned by Bai Yuchan in relation to heretic
Buddhist sects, obviously compelled explanation and different myths
about its origin had to be invented – by other ethnic groups.
Another
of Haifans sobriquets, Zhao Hou
趙侯, is
found in southeastern China, where the martial deities Zhang Hou Erlang
趙侯二郎 and Zhang Hou Sanlang 趙侯三郎
are riding fire spitting, demon devouring “South-black-big-snakes” nanwu
dashe 南烏大蛇. The origin of these snakes is
revealed in popular Kejia texts of the Sannai-Tradition in Fujian. When
Guanyin once was combing her hair, one hair fell into the Southern sea
and became a white snake demon, which Chen Jinggu 陳靖姑,
founder of the Sannai- 三奶 order, had to combat
ever since – down in the sea. Nanwu dashe 南烏大蛇
thus has to be read as 南無大蛇, venerable big
snake, and attests – among other traits – the Buddhist influence on the
Lüshan tradition. Another snake, 麻蛇, synonym
for nanshe 南蛇, denotes a whip, the typical
ritual weapon of a Lüshan priest.
The fire
wheel under Haifans foot links him to the guardians of the sacred area,
standing on burning thunder carriages leiche
雷車. in
the ritual tradition of the Shenxiao 神霄.
Youmian
exorcistic ritual texts entitled fantan
翻壇
link Haifan yet to another divinity, fantan Zhang Wulang 番壇張五郎,
who is affiliated to the Meishan-Tradition of Hunan and to Lüshan fantan-Rituals
common in Fujian and Taiwan.
Thus Haifans
image incorporates the qualities of divinities of various ritual systems
throughout South China.
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道敎祭典的雛形
: 秦漢的方術祭祀
Kim Seong-Hwan金晟煥,（
National Kunsan University 韓國國立群山大學）
摘要:秦漢時期,
專制皇朝健全和補充春秋戰國時期已陷入混亂狀態的祭祀禮儀,
確立符合大一統的時代需要的新的祭祀禮儀,
所以秦漢的祭祀在許多方面甚至較前三代有過之而無不及。這一時代,
祭祀仍然組成禮樂制度的重要部分, 但它不限於儒家祭祀禮儀的範圍,
値得注意。在秦漢時, 除由儒家主持的祭祀外,
朝廷也奉衆多方術系統祭祀, 就是由講論神仙方術的方士主持的。尤其是,
定德改制和封禪等祭典由方士階層主導,
另外神仙方術系統的祭祀及置祠甚多。在兩漢時期, 方術系統祠廟散佈在中國各地,
它們一方面爲方士階層的崛起和活躍奠定了經濟基礎,
另一方面作爲方士的學術賴以生長的肥田。本文主要討論, 作爲道敎祭典的雛形的秦漢方術祀的結構,
以及其在秦漢帝國的地位, 又探到其對秦漢 “方士” 士族化的積極作用。
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Walking the
Circle: Daoism, Baguazhang, and the Relaxation Response
Robert
Santee,（
Chaminade University of Honolulu 檀香山Chaminade
大學）
Abstract:
This paper provides an interdisciplinary (science, philosophy, religion,
psychology and martial arts) approach for understanding the circle
walking practice of Baguazhang within the context of stress management.
The general focus will be on the past, the present and the future. The
past will examine the influence of Daoist concepts from the Yijing
(bagua, yin and yang, taiji), the Daodejing (wuwei, wushi, jing,
xu, wuji, ziran), the Zhuangzi (zuowang, xinzhai) the Zuowang
lun, and Quanzhen Daoism (the practice of zhuan tianzun attributed
to Qiu Chuji/Changchun, purported founder of the Longmen sect) on the
circle walking practice of Bagua Zhang. The past will also examine the
writings of martial artists Sun Lutang, Sun Xikuan and Wang Shujin
relative to the circle walking practice of Bagua Zhang. The present
will examine the research findings of martial artist and martial arts
historian Kang Gewu regarding the origin of the circle walking practice
within the context of Baguazhang and the research of medical doctor
Herbert Benson regarding the relaxation response.
The specific
focus of this paper will be upon understanding the potential health
benefits (both physical and psychological) of the Bagua Zhang circle
walking practice within the context of the relaxation response. The
relaxation response as delineated by Herbert Benson consists of two
fundamental components. The first component is the repetition a specific
type of behavior such as a word, a phrase or muscular activity. This
component keeps the mind/practitioner focused and not distracted. The
second component is that if and, unfortunately, when the
mind/practitioner does become distracted, the mind/practitioner would
not become entangled with, focused upon or make judgments about the
distracter. The mind/practitioner would simply let the distracter go,
and return to focusing on the repetitive behavior.
The circle
walking practice of Bagua Zhang clearly falls within the domain of the
relaxation response as it requires the practitioner to focus upon a
tree, a pole or point while he or she engages in the repetitive behavior
of walking in a circle. This practice should, then, fall under the
umbrella of the relaxation response and provide an approach to relieving
and managing stress.
The future
will examine the potential application of the Bagua Zhang circle walking
practice to both physical and psychological health within the context of
stress management.
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Aesthetic
Dimensions of Taiji
Joshua
Mason, （Ph.D
student, University of Hawai’i, 夏威夷大學）
Abstract:
Many modern aesthetic debates center on the definition of art, or the
essential feature that qualifies a work as art. I contend that Martial
Arts are rightly named arts, and yet their practices are quite distinct
from other artistic genres. This paper explores the aspects of taiji
that might certify it as an art in several popular aesthetic theories,
and ultimately suggests that the ontological transformation enacted in
taiji practice is the foundation of its artistry.
First I
recall the ancient Greek notion of the artisan’s craft as an initial
definition of art. While taiji has its roots in the warrior’s
deadly craft, its artistry transcends its functional origination.
Next I
consider how taiji fits into Arthur Danto’s notion of the
artworld. While taiji has received tremendous institutional
validation, this clearly does not exhaust its artistic possibilities.
After that I
survey the definitions that include aesthetic qualities such as beauty,
formal balance, grace and power. The performance of taiji may
indeed be picturesque, but its artistic power penetrates well beyond the
formal appearances of aesthetic objects.
The
hermeneutic approach expounded by Heidegger and Gadamer suggests an
interpretation of the being of art. I argue that taiji is indeed
the site of a tremendous disclosure of being as well as an opening for
the play of interpretive creativity, but that its ultimate importance
outstrips its interpreted meaning.
I suggest
that taiji’s richest artistic significance is on the ontological
level where, by harmonizing one’s qi with the Dao, taiji
effects a mutual transformation of self and other that transcends the
dualities of performer and performance, or performance and meaning. I
ultimately argue that the key aspect of artistic importance in taiji
is that it enacts the unity of heaven and humanity as the site of
creative ontological transformation.
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Two Sides
of a Mountain: Strategies for Rebuilding a Taoist Complex
一山兩面:當代宮觀重建之不同策略
Ian Johnson,
（independent
scholar, USA）
Abstract:
The templex complex of Maoshan outside Nanjing was largely destroyed in
World War II. Over the past 25 years, it has been partly rebuilt, but
different temples and different jurisdictions have pursued different
strategies. Using local gazeteers, journals and interviews with local
leaders, this paper examines these strategies, highlighting how local
religious figures negotiate the pressure to pursue commercial goals and
maintain a functioning religious community.
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Daoism and
Entirety in Modern Physics道教與現代物理之整體論
Dr. rer.nat.
Imke BOCK-MÖBIUS,
（Radolfzell, Germany）
Abstract:
Daoism is one of the fundamentals of qigong and yangsheng practices. Its
main ideas are essential to understand the structure and meaning of the
exercises, and they provide a major part of their spiritual content.
Even beyond the pratices daoist elements influence our livestyle
considerably: they let us understand why it makes sense to follow the
rhythms of nature in our activities (e.g. the rhythm of day and night)
and why it is desirable to aim at simplicity and trueness (to be as
close as possible to nature). The rhythms and laws of nature are under
investigation as well in natural sciences; at this very point science,
philosophy and practical exercises touch.
Since Niels
Bohr and Werner Heisenberg laid the foundations of Modern Physics in the
Copenhagen Interpretation of Quantum Physics in 1927 the
phenomenon of duality is present in physics. N. Bohr showed his interest
in the daoist world view by bearing the taiji symbol as part of his coat
of arms. The further interpretation of the connections between the
polarity of yin and yang in daoism and the particle-wave-dualism in
quantum physics was brought to public attention in the seventies by
Fritjof Capra.
Thirty years
later the experimental developments have advanced enormously: it was
possible to overcome polarity and dualism by experimental results that
show an entirety lying behind that was not provable before – the dao.
Especially the experiments carried out from 1982 on by Alain Aspect
revealed correlations between two quantum systems of a former
compound system even if the constituents are separated by extremely
long distances at the time of measurement. This behaviour is called
entanglement, a term created by Erwin Schrödinger in 1935.
The
possibility for experimental use of entanglement is nowadays applied in
new projects concerning the quantum computer and quantum
cryptography (e.g. safety codes).
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New Results
in Yijing Numerology: A Complete "64-Hexagram Taijitu" as a
Research Instrument for the Mathematics and Hermeneutics of Change
易經術數研究新成果﹕作為變化詮釋學和數學研究手段的‘太極圖64卦像
Hermann
SCHULTZ, （Frankfurt,
Germany）
Abstract:
The author presents a compact Yijing diagram with the
following
characteristics:
(1) The
diagram shows an empty center (Wuji, Taiji), engendering Pure
Yang and
Pure Yin (Liangyi: Qian and Kun), the Four Primordial Images
(Sixiang:
hexagrams Qian, Kun, Tai, Pi), Bagua (the hexagrams Qian, Kun,
Kan, Li,
Zhen, Gen, Xun, Dui) and the rest of the 64 hexagrams (Wanwu,
the myriad
beings and prototypic situations). There is a close relation
to Xiantian
as well as Houtian trigram order.
(2) The
diagram shows clearly the relations between hexagrams:
inversion,
obversion, half-inversion and -obversion, auto-inverse and
auto-obverse
hexagrams, warp and weft hexagrams, nuclear hexagrams etc.
(3) Using
the diagram as a research instrument, we can gain new
insights
into the logic of (a) the traditional Wen Wang hexagram order,
(b) The
Mawangdui Silk Manuscript Yijing hexagram order, (c) Jing Fang's
Eight
Hexagram Palaces, (d) The Twelve Waxing and Waning Hexagrams and
other
problems of Yijing numerology and hermeneutics.
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Daoism,
Virtues and Flourishing in Organizations
Donald
Davis/Livia Kohn,（
independent scholars, USA）
Abstract:
Western psychology in recent years has turned its attention to the role
of human strengths and flourishing in the midst of creating a new form
of positive psychology. This turn of attention is a response to the
recognition that psychology has focused too much in the past on deficits
and disorders, the negative psychology of human existence. One important
area of current research examines the contribution of virtues and
character strengths to creating a fulfilling and meaningful life.
Peterson and Seligman (2004) have proposed that six virtues comprised of
24 character strengths contribute to human flourishing. These six
virtues include: wisdom, courage, humanity (benevolence), justice,
temperance (self-restraint), and transcendence. Moreover, in a review of
the world’s major religious and wisdom traditions, including
Confucianism, Daoism, Buddhism, Hinduism, ancient Greek Philosophy
(Plato, Socrates, Aristotle), Christianity, Judaism, and Islam, they
find that to a large degree these virtues appear to be universally
important (Dahlsgaard, Peterson, & Seligman, 2003). Positive psychology
examines three related aspects of virtues: (1) subjective experience of
the virtue, (2) extent to which individuals possess and act on virtues,
and (3) social institutions such as work organizations that may foster
virtue and enable virtuous actions (Peterson & Seligman, 2004, p. 5).
Our presentation will focus on the manner in which work organizations
enable virtuous action and the extent to which Daoism may inform this
analysis. We will examine the virtues and the character strengths that
comprise them (see Table 1). We will discuss their correlation with
Daoist ethics and the manner in which Daoist practice, for example,
meditation, can provide a means for fostering virtuous action in work
organizations. Finally, we will discuss how work organizations,
especially management and leadership, may provide the conditions to
enable and strengthen virtuous action.
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Mount Wudang
and the Modernization of Daoism
武當山和道教現代化
Jean
deBernaldi 白晉,
（University of Alberta 阿爾伯塔大學）
Abstract：Both
the modern nation-state and global networks and organizations have
contributed to the modern transformation of religions. In particular,
the development of global capitalism has provided unprecedented
financial means and technologies of communication to religious
leaders. These have enabled entrepreneurial religious leaders of many
religions—including
Christianity, Buddhism, and Islam, but also many other religious groups—to
rework their organizations, develop their networks, and transform their
practices. In this paper, I consider Wudang Mountain Daoism in light of
these new organizational forms, networks, and practices. I will discuss
the contribution that Wudang Mountain Daoism makes to China's
civilizational culture, to world culture, and to religious culture.
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馬來西亞道教的隱憂及展望
趙坤利道長
（馬來西亞吉隆玻太極靈道壇主持，馬來西亞道教文化慈善機構副主席）
摘要：道教形成的社會風俗習慣，可說是中華民族文化寶庫，隨著社會的發展，
進而對其進行取其精華，棄其糟粕的積極研究，當前的情況，確實嚴峻，未來充滿挑戰，但，為了道教變革舊習俗，樹立新風尚，必須採取相向的觀點，和一致的方法，解除迷信活動所導致的愚昧落後不良惡果！
雖然地方區域，傳統風俗習慣，周圍環境形成鮮明的反差，隨地緣而異，因其中存在著古老神秘的特點，
民族的信仰、祭俗、占卜，祈禱儀禮民俗及持有的鄉土氣味，民俗本身有傳承性，我們生活在新時代，科學文化日新月異的影響，人類的眼界開闊，思想觀念因要適應環境而重新衡量尺度，道教少於宣傳，
落後的社群帶著迷信色彩， 而被誤導。 |
